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  1. #1
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    Default D.C. Gun Ban Banned

    So much for the socialist "collective rights" theory

    Appeal from the United States District Court
    for the District of Columbia


    No. 04-7041
    SHELLY PARKER, ET AL.,
    APPELLANTS
    v.
    DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA AND
    ADRIAN M. FENTY, MAYOR OF THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, APPELLEES



    We start by considering the competing claims about the
    meaning of the Second Amendment’s operative clause: “the
    right of the people to keep and bear Arms shall not be
    infringed.” Appellants contend that “the right of the people”
    clearly contemplates an individual right and that “keep and bear
    Arms” necessarily implies private use and ownership.

    In determining whether the Second Amendment’s guarantee
    is an individual one, or some sort of collective right, the most
    important word is the one the drafters chose to describe the
    holders of the right—“the people.” That term is found in the
    First, Second, Fourth, Ninth, and Tenth Amendments. It has
    never been doubted that these provisions were designed to
    protect the interests of individuals against government intrusion,
    interference, or usurpation.

    The District’s (D.C.) argument, on the other hand, asks us to read
    “the people” to mean some subset of individuals such as “the
    organized militia” or “the people who are engaged in militia
    service,” or perhaps not any individuals at all—e.g., “the states.”
    See Emerson, 270 F.3d at 227. These strained interpretations of
    “the people” simply cannot be squared with the uniform
    construction of our other Bill of Rights provisions. Indeed, the
    Supreme Court has recently endorsed a uniform reading of “the
    people” across the Bill of Rights. In United States v. Verdugo-
    Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259 (1990).


    In sum, the phrase “the right of the people,” when read
    intratextually and in light of Supreme Court precedent, leads us
    to conclude that the right in question is individual.

    The wording of the operative clause also indicates that the
    right to keep and bear arms was not created by government, but
    rather preserved by it.

    Because the right
    to arms existed prior to the formation of the new government,
    see Robertson v. Baldwin, 165 U.S. 275, 280 (1897) (describing
    the origin of the Bill of Rights in English law), the Second
    Amendment only guarantees that the right “shall not be
    infringed.” The correspondence
    and political dialogue of the founding era indicate that arms
    were kept for lawful use in self-defense and hunting.

    The
    premise that private arms would be used for self-defense accords
    with Blackstone’s observation, which had influenced thinking
    in the American colonies, that the people’s right to arms was
    auxiliary to the natural right of self-preservation.

    The District insists that the phrase “keep and bear Arms”
    should be read as purely military language, and thus indicative
    of a civic, rather than private, guarantee. The term “bear Arms”
    is obviously susceptible to a military construction. But it is not
    accurate to construe it exclusively so. First, the word “bear” in
    this context is simply a more formal synonym for “carry,” i.e.,
    “Beware of Greeks bearing gifts.” The Oxford English
    Dictionary and the original Webster’s list the primary meaning
    of “bear” as “to support” or “to carry.” See Silveira, 328 F.3d
    at 573 (Kleinfeld, J.) However, there are
    too many instances of “bear arms” indicating private use to
    conclude that the drafters intended only a military sense.


    One authority cited by the District has attempted to equate
    “keep” with “keep up,” a term that had been used in phrases
    such as “keep up a standing army” or, as in the Articles of
    Confederation, “every state shall keep up a well regulated and
    disciplined militia . . . .” See Wills, supra, at 66. The argument
    that “keep” as used in “the right of the people to keep . . . Arms”
    shares a military meaning with “keep up” as used in “every state
    shall keep up a well regulated militia” mocks usage, syntax, and
    common sense. Such outlandish views are likely advanced
    because the plain meaning of “keep” strikes a mortal blow to the
    collective right theory.


    The parties generally agree that the prefatory clause, to
    which we now turn, declares the Second Amendment’s civic
    purpose—i.e., insuring the continuance of the militia
    system—and only disagree over whether that purpose was
    exclusive. The parties do attribute dramatically different
    meanings to “a well regulated Militia.” Appellants argue that
    the militia referenced in the Second Amendment’s prefatory
    clause was “practically synonymous” with “the people”
    referenced in the operative clause. The District advances a
    much more limited definition.

    As the foregoing makes clear, the “well regulated Militia”
    was not an elite or select body. See Silveira, 328 F.3d at 577-78
    (Kleinfeld, J.). While some of the founding fathers, including
    George Washington and Alexander Hamilton, favored such
    organizations over a popular militia, see THE ORIGIN OF THE
    SECOND AMENDMENT at xlvii (David E. Young ed., 2d ed.
    1995), the Second Congress unambiguously required popular
    participation. The important point, of course, is that the popular
    nature of the militia is consistent with an individual right to keep
    and bear arms: Preserving an individual right was the the best way
    to ensure that the militia could serve when called.

    We think the Second Amendment was similarly structured.
    The prefatory language announcing the desirability of a wellregulated
    militia—even bearing in mind the breadth of the
    concept of a militia—is narrower than the guarantee of an
    individual right to keep and bear arms. The Amendment does
    not protect “the right of militiamen to keep and bear arms,” but
    rather “the right of the people.” The operative clause, properly
    read, protects the ownership and use of weaponry beyond that
    needed to preserve the state militias. Again, we point out that if
    the competent drafters of the Second Amendment had meant the
    right to be limited to the protection of state militias, it is hard to
    imagine that they would have chosen the language they did. We
    therefore take it as an expression of the drafters’ view that the
    people possessed a natural right to keep and bear arms, and that
    the preservation of the militia was the right’s most salient
    political benefit—and thus the most appropriate to express in a
    political document.

    To summarize, we conclude that the Second Amendment
    protects an individual right to keep and bear arms. That right
    existed prior to the formation of the new government under the
    Constitution and was premised on the private use of arms for
    activities such as hunting and self-defense, the latter being
    understood as resistance to either private lawlessness or the
    depredations of a tyrannical government (or a threat from
    abroad). In addition, the right to keep and bear arms had the
    important and salutary civic purpose of helping to preserve the
    citizen militia. The civic purpose was also a political expedient
    for the Federalists in the First Congress as it served, in part, to
    placate their Antifederalist opponents. The individual right
    facilitated militia service by ensuring that citizens would not be
    barred from keeping the arms they would need when called forth
    for militia duty. Despite the importance of the Second
    Amendment’s civic purpose, however, the activities it protects
    are not limited to militia service, nor is an individual’s
    enjoyment of the right contingent upon his or her continued or
    intermittent enrollment in the militia.



  2. #2
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    One more reason for libtards to hate America: The CONSTITUTION



  3. #3
    Gold Poster SarahG's Avatar
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    It is about time this ban was ended as the BS it is... it would not surprise me if this appeals ruling is thrown at the supreme court.

    I hope the supreme court refuses to hear the case, effectively leaving this ruling as what it is.

    Although the supreme court is currently more conservative from recent years... it is in a pro-law enforcement, anti-citizen rights sense with appointees far closer to Scalia then Ranquist.

    I would take 8 Ranquists any day over 1 Scalia. I find it... unfortunate, that in a time when new faces could be given to the court, that the choices would be picked by someone not of the libertarian philosophy.


    And maybe its easier to withdraw from life
    With all of its misery and wretched lies
    If we're dead when tomorrow's gone
    The Big Machine will just move on
    Still we cling afraid we'll fall
    Clinging like the memory which haunts us all

  4. #4
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    we need more libertarians in our political system..when charlton heston comes to d.c are they gonna take his gun from his cold dead hands!



  5. #5
    Gold Poster SarahG's Avatar
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    -deleted-



  6. #6
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    i love how politicians in this country want big govt out of peoples lives and corporate interests but when it comes to the daily life and morality they are the same bitches tryin to pass sodomy laws and gun control....



  7. #7
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    p.s. they dont like weed because they cant figure out how to tax something you can grow in yer back yard!!!solar power too..if you are off the electric monopoly grid how can they charge you for something that comes day in and day out from the sun!!!



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